§ 2:1. While these things were going forward in
Spain, Caius Trebonius, Caesar's lieutenant, who had been left to
conduct the assault of Massilia, began to raise a mound, vineae, and
turrets against the town, on two sides; one of which was next the
harbor and docks, the other on that part where there is a passage from
Gaul and Spain to that sea which forces itself up the mouth of the
Rhone. For Massilia is washed almost on three sides by the sea, the
remaining fourth part is the only side which has access by land. A
part even of this space, which reaches to the fortress, being
fortified by the nature of the country, and a very deep valley,
required a long and difficult siege. To accomplish these works, Caius
Trebonius sends for a great quantity of carriages and men from the
whole Province, and orders hurdles and materials to be furnished.
These things being provided, he raised a mound eighty feet in
height. |
Dum haec in Hispania geruntur, C. Trebonius legatus, qui ad
oppugnationem Massiliae relictus erat, duabus ex partibus aggerrem,
vineas turresque ad oppidum agere instituit. Una erat proxima portui
navalibusque, altera ad portam, qua est aditus ex Gallia atque Hispania,
ad id mare, quod adiacet ad ostium Rhodani. Massilia enim fere tribus ex
oppidi partibus mari alluitur; reliqua quarta est, quae aditum habeat ab
terra. Huius quoque spatii pars ea, quae ad arcem pertinet, loci natura
et valle altissima munita longam et difficilem habet oppugnationem. Ad ea
perficienda opera C. Trebonius magnam iumentorum atque hominum
multitudinem ex omni provincia vocat; vimina materiamque comportari
iubet. Quibus comparatis rebus aggerem in altitudinem pedum LXXX
exstruit. |
§ 2:2. But so great a store of every thing
necessary for a war had been a long time before laid up in the town,
and so great a number of engines, that no vineae made of hurdles could
withstand their force. For poles twelve feet in length, pointed with
iron, and these too shot from very large engines, sank into the ground
through four rows of hurdles. Therefore the arches of the vineae were
covered over with beams a foot thick, fastened together, and under
this the materials of the agger were handed from one to another.
Before this was carried a testudo sixty feet long, for leveling the
ground, made also of very strong timber, and covered over with every
thing that was capable of protecting it against the fire and stones
thrown by the enemy. But the greatness of the works, the height of the
wall and towers, and the multitude of engines retarded the progress of
our works. Besides, frequent sallies were made from the town by the
Albici, and fire was thrown on our mound and turrets. These our men
easily repulsed, and, doing considerable damage to those who sallied,
beat them back into the town. |
Sed tanti erant antiquitus in oppido omnium rerum ad bellum apparatus
tantaque multitudo tormentorum, ut eorum vim nullae contextae viminibus
vineae sustinere possent. Asseres enim pedum XII cuspidibus praefixi
atque hi maximis bllistis missi per IIII ordines cratium in terra
defigebantur. Itaque pedalibus lignis coniunctis inter se porticus
integebantur, atque hac agger inter manus proferebatur. Antecedebat
testudo pedum LX aequandi loci causa facta item ex fortissimis lignis,
convoluta omnibus rebus, quibus ignis iactus et lapides defendi possent.
Sed magnitudo operum, altitudo muri atque turrium, multitudo tormentorum
omnem administrationem tardabat. Crebrae etiam per Albicos eruptiones
fiebant ex oppido ignesque aggeri et turribus inferebantur; quae facile
nostri milites repellebant magnisque ultro illatis detrimentis eos, qui
eruptionem fecerant, in oppidum reiciebant. |
§ 2:3. In the mean time, Lucius Nasidius, being
sent by Cneius Pompey with a fleet of sixteen sail, a few of which had
beaks of brass, to the assistance of Lucius Domitius and the
Massilians, passed the straits of Sicily without the knowledge or
expectation of Curio, and, putting with his fleet into Messana, and
making the nobles and senate take flight with the sudden terror,
carried off one of their ships out of dock. Having joined this to his
other ships, he made good his voyage to Massilia, and having sent in a
galley privately, acquaints Domitius and the Massilians of his
arrival, and earnestly encourages them to hazard another battle with
Brutus's fleet with the addition of his aid. |
Interim L Nasidius, a Cn. Pompeio cum classe navium XVI, in quibus
paucae erant aeratae, L. Domitio Massiliensibusque subsidio missus, freto
Siciliae imprudente atque inopinante Curione pervehitur appulsisque
Messanam navibus atque inde propter repentinum terrorem principum ac
senatus fuga facta navem ex navalibus eorum deducit. Hac adiuncta ad
reliquas naves cursum Massiliam versus perficit praemissaque clam
navicula Domitium Massiliensesque de suo adventu certiores facit eosque
magnopere hortatur, ut rursus cum Bruti classe additis suis auxiliis
confligant. |
§ 2:4. The Massilians, since their former loss,
had brought the same number of old ships from the docks, and had
repaired and fitted them out with great industry: they had a large
supply of seamen and pilots. They had got several fishing-smacks, and
covered them over, that the seamen might be secure against darts:
these they filled with archers and engines. With a fleet thus
appointed, encouraged by the entreaties and tears of all the old men,
matrons, and virgins to succor the state in this hour of distress,
they went on board with no less spirit and confidence than they had
fought before. For it happens, from a common infirmity of human
nature, that we are more flushed with confidence, or more vehemently
alarmed at things unseen, concealed, and unknown, as was the case
then. For the arrival of Lucius Nasidius had filled the state with the
most sanguine hopes and wishes. Having got a fair wind, they sailed
out of port and went to Nasidius to Taurois, which is a fort belonging
to the Massilians, and there ranged their fleet and again encouraged
each other to engage and communicated their plan of operation. The
command of the right division was given to the Massilians, that of the
left to Nasidius. |
Massilienses post superius incommodum veteres ad eundem numerum ex
navalibus productas naves refecerant summaque industria armaverant
(remigum, gubernatorum magna copia suppetebat) piscatoriasque adiecerant
atque contexerant, ut essent ab ictu telorum remiges tuti; has
sagittariis tormentisque compleverunt. Tali modo instructa classe omnium
seniorum, matrum familiae, virginum precibus et fletu excitati, extremo
tempore civitati subvenirent, non minore animo ac fiducia, quam ante
dimicaverant, naves conscendunt. Communi enim fit vitio naturae, ut
inusitatis atque incognitis rebus magis confidamus vehementiusque
exterreamur; ut tum accidit. Adventus enim L. Nasidii summa spe et
voluntate civitatem compleverat. Nacti idoneum ventum ex portu exeunt et
Tauroenta, quod est castellum Massilensium, ad Nasidium perveniunt ibique
naves expediunt rursusque se ad confligendum animo confirmant et consilia
communicant. Dextra pars attribuitur Massiliensibus, sinistra
Nasidio. |
§ 2:5. Brutus sailed to the same place with an
augmented fleet; for to those made by Caesar at Arelas were added six
ships taken from the Massilians, which he had refitted since the last
battle and had furnished with every necessary. Accordingly, having
encouraged his men to despise a vanquished people whom they had
conquered when yet unbroken, he advanced against them full of
confidence and spirit. From Trebonius's camp and all the higher
grounds it was easy to see into the town- how all the youth which
remained in it, and all persons of more advanced years, with their
wives and children, and the public guards, were either extending their
hands from the wall to the heavens, or were repairing to the temples
of the immortal gods, and prostrating themselves before their images,
were entreating them to grant them victory. Nor was there a single
person who did not imagine that his future fortune depended on the
issue of that day; for the choice of their youth and the most
respectable of every age, being expressly invited and solicited, had
gone on board the fleet, that if any adverse fate should befall them
they might see that nothing was left for them to attempt, and, if they
proved victorious, they might have hopes of preserving the city,
either by their internal resources or by foreign assistance. |
Eodem Brutus contendit aucto navium numero. Nam ad eas, quae factae
erant Arelate per Caesarem, captivae Massiliensium accesserant sex. Has
superioribus diebus refecerat atque omnibus rebus instruxerat. Itaque
suos cohortatus, quos integros superarissent ut victos contemnerent,
plenus spei bonae atque animi adversus eos proficiscitur. Facile erat ex
castris C. Trebonii atque omnibus superioribus locis prospicere in urbem,
ut omnis iuventus, quae in oppido remanserat, omnesque superioris aetatis
cum liberis atque uxoribus ex publicis locis custodiisque aut e muro ad
caelum manus tenderent, aut templa deorum immortalium adirent et ante
simulacra proiecti victoriam ab diis ecerent. Neque erat quisquam omnium,
quin in eius diei casu suarum omnium fortunarum eventum consistere
existimaret. Nam et honesti ex iuventute et cuiusque aetatis amplissimi
nominatim evocati atque obsecrati naves conscenderant ut, si quid adversi
accidisset, ne ad conandum quidem sibi quicquam reliqui fore viderent; si
superavissent, vel domesticis opibus vel externis auxiliis de salute
urbis confiderent. |
§ 2:6. When the battle was begun, no effort of
valor was wanting to the Massilians, but, mindful of the instructions
which they had a little before received from their friends, they
fought with such spirit as if they supposed that they would never have
another opportunity to attempt a defense, and as if they believed that
those whose lives should be endangered in the battle would not long
precede the fate of the rest of the citizens, who, if the city was
taken, must undergo the same fortune of war. Our ships being at some
distance from each other, room was allowed both for the skill of their
pilots and the maueuvering of their ships; and if at any time ours,
gaining an advantage by casting the iron hooks on board their ships,
grappled with them, from all parts they assisted those who were
distressed. Nor, after being joined by the Albici, did they decline
coming to close engagement, nor were they much inferior to our men in
valor. At the same time, showers of darts, thrown from a distance from
the lesser ships, suddenly inflicted several wounds on our men when
off their guard and otherwise engaged; and two of their three-decked
galleys; having descried the ship of Decimus Brutus, which could be
easily distinguished by its flag, rowed up against him with great
violence from opposite sides: but Brutus, seeing into their designs,
by the swiftness of his ship extricated himself with such address as
to get clear, though only by a moment. From the velocity of their
motion they struck against each other with such violence that they
were both excessively injured by the shock; the beak, indeed, of one
of them being broken off, the whole ship was ready to founder, which
circumstance being observed, the ships of Brutus's fleet, which were
nearest that station, attack them when in this disorder and sink them
both. |
Commisso proelio Massiliensibus res nulla ad virtutem defuit; sed
memores eorum praeceptorum, quae paulo ante ab suis aeceperant, hoc animo
decertabant, ut nullum aliud tempus ad conandum habituri viderentur, et
quibus in pugna vitae periculum accideret, non ita multo se reliquorum
civium fatum antecedere existimareut, quibus urbe capta eadem esset belli
fortuna patienda. Diductisque nostris paulatim navibus et artificio
gubernatorum et mobilitati navium locus dabatur, et si quando nostri
facultatem nacti ferreis manibus iniectis navem religaverant, undique
suis laborantibus succurrebant. Neque vero coniuncti Albici comminus
pugnando deficiebant neque multum cedebant virtute nostris. Simul ex
minoribus navibus magna vis eminus missa telorum multa nostris de
improviso imprudentibus atque impeditis vulnera inferebant.
Conspicataeque naves triremes duae navem D. Bruti, quae ex insigni facile
agnosci poterat, duabus ex partibus sese in eam incitaverant Sed tantum
re provisa Brutus celeritate navis enisus est, ut parvo momento
antecederet. Illae adeo graviter inter se incitatae conflixerunt, ut
vehementissime utraque ex concursu laborarent, altera vero praefracto
rostro tota collabefieret. Qua re animadversa, quae proximae ei loco ex
Bruti classe naves erant, in eas impeditas impetum faciunt celeriterque
ambas deprimunt. |
§ 2:7. But Nasidius's ships were of no use, and
soon left the fight; for the sight of their country, or the entreaties
of their relations, did not urge them to run a desperate risk of their
lives. Therefore, of the number of the ships not one was lost: of the
fleet of the Massilians five were sunk, four taken, and one ran off
with Nasidius: all that escaped made the best of their way to Hither
Spain, but one of the rest was sent forward to Massilia for the
purpose of bearing this intelligence, and when it came near the city,
the whole people crowded out to hear the tidings, and, on being
informed of the event, were so oppressed with grief, that one would
have imagined that the city had been taken by an enemy at the same
moment. The Massilians, however, began to make the necessary
preparations for the defense of their city with unwearied energy. |
Sed Nasidianae naves nullo usui fuerunt celeriterque pugna
excesserunt; non enim has aut conspectus patriae aut propinquorum
praecepta ad extremum vitae periculum adire cogebant. Itaque ex eo numero
navium nulla desiderata est: ex Massiliensium classe V sunt depressae, IV
captae, una cum Nasidianis profugit; quae omnes citeriorem Hispaniam
petiverunt. At ex reliquis una praemissa Massiliam huius nuntii
perferendi gratia cum iam appropinquaret urbi, omnis sese multitudo ad
cognoscendum effudit, et re cognita tantus luctus excepit, ut urbs ab
hostibus capta eodem vestigio videretur. Massilienses tamen nihilo secius
ad defensionem urbis reliqua apparare coeperunt. |
§ 2:8. The legionary soldiers who had the
management of the works on the right side, observed, from the frequent
sallies of the enemy, that it might prove a great protection to them
to build a turret of brick under the wall for a fort and place of
refuge, which they at first built low and small, [to guard them]
against sudden attacks. To it they retreated, and from it they made
defense if any superior force attacked them; and from it they sallied
out either to repel or pursue the enemy. It extended thirty feet on
every side, and the thickness of the walls was five feet. But
afterward, as experience is the best master in every thing on which
the wit of man is employed, it was found that it might be of
considerable service if it was raised to the usual height of turrets,
which was effected in the following manner. |
Est animadveraum ab legionibus, qui dextram partem operis
administrabant, ex crebris hostium eruptionibus magno sibi ease praesidio
posse, si ibi pro castello ac receptaculo turrim ex latere sub muro
fecissent Quam primo ad repentinos incursus humilem parvamque fecerunt.
Huc se referebant; hinc, si qua maior oppresserat vis, propugnabant; hinc
ad repellendum et prosequendum hostem procurrebant. Patebat haec quoquo
versus pedes XXX, sed parietum crassitudo pedes V. Postea vero, ut est
rerum omnium magister usus, hominum adhibita sollertia inventum est magno
esse usui posse, si haec esset in altitudinem turris elata. Id hac
ratione perfectum est. |
§ 2:9. When the turret was raised to the height
for flooring, they laid it on the walls in such a manner that the ends
of the joists were covered by the outer face of the wall, that nothing
should project to which the enemy's fire might adhere. They, moreover,
built over the joists with small bricks as high as the protection of
the plutei and vineae permitted them; and on that place they laid two
beams across, angle- ways, at a small distance from the outer walls,
to support the rafters which were to cover the turret, and on the
beams they laid joists across in a direct line, and on these they
fastened down planks. These joists they made somewhat longer, to
project beyond the outside of the wall, that they might serve to hang
a curtain on them to defend and repel all blows while they were
building the walls between that and the next floor, and the floor of
this story they faced with bricks and mortar, that the enemy's fire
might do them no damage; and on this they spread mattresses, lest the
weapons thrown from engines should break through the flooring, or
stones from catapults should batter the brick work. They, moreover,
made three mats of cable ropes, each of them the length of the turret
walls, and four feet broad, and, hanging them round the turret on the
three sides which faced the enemy, fastened them to the projecting
joists. For this was the only sort of defense which, they had learned
by experience in other places, could not be pierced by darts or
engines. But when that part of the turret which was completed was
protected and secured against every attempt of the enemy, they removed
the plutei to other works. They began to suspend gradually, and raise
by screws from the first-floor, the entire roof of the turret, and
then they elevated it as high as the length of the mats allowed. Hid
and secured within these coverings, they built up the walls with
bricks, and again, by another turn of the screw, cleared a place for
themselves to proceed with the building; and, when they thought it
time to lay another floor, they laid the ends of the beams, covered in
by the outer bricks in like manner as in the first story, and from
that story they again raised the uppermost floor and the mat-work. In
this manner, securely and without a blow or danger, they raised it six
stories high, and in laying the materials left loop-holes in such
places as they thought proper for working their engines. |
Ubi turris altitudo perducta est ad contabulationem, eam in parietes
instruxerunt, ita ut capita tignorum extrema parietum structura
tegerentur, ne quid emineret, ubi ignis hostium adhaeresceret. Hanc super
contignationem, quantum tectum plutei ac vinearum passum est, laterculo
adstruxerunt supraque eum locum duo tigna transversa iniecerunt non longe
ab extremis parietibus, quibus suspenderent eam contignationem, quae
turri tegimento esset futura, supraque ea tigna directo transversas
trabes iniecerunt easque axibus religaverunt (has trabes paulo longiores
atque eminentiores, quam extremi parietes erant, effecerant, ut esset ubi
tegimenta praependere possent ad defendendos ictus ac repellendos, cum
infra eam contignationem parietes exstruerentur) eamque contabulationem
summam lateribus lutoque constraverunt, ne quid ignis hostium nocere
posset, centonesque insuper iniecerunt, ne aut tela tormentis immissa
tabulationem perfringerent, aut saxa ex catapultis latericium discuterent
Storias autem ex funibus ancorariis tres in longitudinem parietum turris
latas IIII pedes fecerunt easque ex tribus partibus, quae ad hostes
vergebant, eminentibus trabibus circum turrim praependentes religaverunt;
quod unum genus tegimenti alils locis erant experti nullo telo neque
tormento traici posse. Ubi vero ea pars turris, quae erat perfecta, tecta
atque munita est ab omni ictu hostium, pluteos ad alia opera abduxerunt;
turris tectum per se ipsum pressionibus ex contignatione prima supendere
ac tollere coeperunt Ubi, quantum storiarum demissio patiebatur, tantum
elevarant, intra haec tegimenta abditi atque muniti parietes lateribus
exstruebant rursusque alia pressione ad aedificandum sibi locum
expediebant. Ubi tempus alterius contabulationis videbatur, tigna item ut
primo tecta extremis lateribus instruebant exque ea contignatione rursus
summam contabulationem storiasque elevabant. Ita tuto ac sine ullo
vulnere ac periculo sex tabulata exstruxerunt fenestrasque, quibus in
locis visum est, ad tormenta mittenda in struendo reliquerunt. |
§ 2:10. When they were confident that they could
protect the works which lay around from this turret, they resolved to
build a musculus, sixty feet long, of timber, two feet square, and to
extend it from the brick tower to the enemy's tower and wall. This was
the form of it: first, two beams of equal length were laid on the
ground, at the distance of four feet from each other; and in them were
fastened small pillars, five feet high, which were joined together by
braces, with a gentle slope, on which the timber which they must place
to support the roof of the musculus should be laid: upon this were
laid beams, two feet square, bound with iron plates and nails. To the
upper covering of the musculus and the upper beams, they fastened
laths, four fingers square, to support the tiles which were to cover
the musculus. The roof being thus sloped and laid over in rows in the
same manner as the joists were laid on the braces, the musculus was
covered with tiles and mortar, to secure it against fire, which might
be thrown from the wall. Over the tiles hides are spread, to prevent
the water let in on them by spouts from dissolving the cement of the
bricks. Again, the hides were covered over with mattresses, that they
might not be destroyed by fire or stones. The soldiers under the
protection of the vineae, finish this whole work to the very tower;
and suddenly, before the enemy were aware of it, moved it forward by
naval machinery, by putting rollers under it, close up to the enemy's
turret, so that it even touched the building. |
Ubi ex ea turri, quae circum essent opera, tueri se posse confisi
sunt, musculum pedes LX longum ex materia bipedali, quem a turri
latericia ad hostium turrim murumque perducerent, facere instituerunt;
cuius musculi haec erat forma. Duae primum trabes in solo aeque longae
distantes inter se pedes IIII collocantur, inque eis columellae pedum in
altitudinem V defiguntur. Has inter se capreolis molli fastigio
coniungunt, ubi tigna, quae musculi tegendi causa ponant, collocentur. Eo
super tigna bipedalia iniciunt eaque laminis clavisque religant. Ad
extremum musculi tectum trabesque extremas quadratas regulas IIII
patentes digitos defigunt, quae lateres, qui super musculo struantur,
contineant. Ita fastigato atque ordinatim structo, ut trabes erant in
capreolis collocatae, lateribus lutoque musculus, ut ab igni, qui ex muro
iaceretur, tutus esset, contegitur. Super lateres coria inducuntur, ne
canalibus aqua immissa lateres diluere posset Coria autem, ne rursus igni
ac lapidibus corrumpantur, centonibus conteguntur. Hoc opus omne tectum
vineis ad ipsam turrim perficiunt subitoque inopinantibus hostibus
machinatione navali, phalangis subiectis, ad turrim hostium admovent, ut
aedificio iungatur. |
§ 2:11. The townsmen, affrighted at this
unexpected stroke, bring forward with levers the largest stones they
can procure, and pitching them from the wall, roll them down on the
musculus. The strength of the timber withstood the shock; and whatever
fell on it slid off, on account of the sloping roof. When they
perceived this, they altered their plan, and set fire to barrels,
filled with resin and tar, and rolled them down from the wall on the
musculus. As soon as they fell on it, they slid off again, and were
removed from its side by long poles and forks. In the mean time, the
soldiers, under cover of the musculus, were rooting out with crow-
bars the lowest stones of the enemy's turret, with which the
foundation was laid. The musculus was defended by darts, thrown from
engines by our men from the brick tower, and the enemy were beaten off
from the wall and turrets; nor was a fair opportunity of defending the
walls given them. At length several stones being picked away from the
foundation of that turret next the musculus, part of it fell down
suddenly, and the rest, as if following it, leaned forward. |
Quo malo perterriti subito oppidani saxa quam maxima possunt vectibus
promovent praecipitataque muro in musculum devolvunt. Ictum firmitas
materiae sustinet, et quicquid incidit fastigio musculi elabitur. Id ubi
vident, mutant consilium: cupas taeda ac pice refertas incendunt easque
de muro in musculum devolvunt. Involutae labuntur, delapsae ab lateribus
longuriis furcisque ab opere removentur. Interim sub musculo milites
vectibus infima saxa turris hostium, quibus fundamenta continebantur,
convellunt. Musculus ex turri latericia a nostris telis tormentisque
defenditur; hostes ex muro ac turibus submoventur: non datur libera muri
defendendi facultas. Compluribus iam lapidibus ex ea, quae suberat, turri
subductis repentina ruina pars eius turris concidit, pars reliqua
consequens procumbebat: cum hostes urbis direptione perterriti inermes
cum infulis se porta foras universi proripiunt ad legatos atque exercitum
supplices manus tendunt. |
§ 2:12. Hereupon, the enemy distressed at the
sudden fall of the turret, surprised at the unforeseen calamity, awed
by the wrath of the gods, and dreading the pillage of their city, rush
all together out of the gate unarmed, with their temples bound with
fillets, and suppliantly stretch out their hands to the officers and
the army. At this uncommon occurrence, the whole progress of the war
was stopped, and the soldiers, turning away from the battle, ran
eagerly to hear and listen to them. When the enemy came up to the
commanders and the army, they all fell down at their feet, and
besought them "to wait till Caesar's arrival; they saw that their city
was taken, our works completed, and their tower undermined, therefore
they desisted from a defense; that no obstacle could arise, to prevent
their being instantly plundered at a beck, as soon as he arrived, if
they refused to submit to his orders." They inform them that, "if the
turret had entirely fallen down, the soldiers could not be withheld
from forcing into the town and sacking it, in hopes of getting spoil."
These and several other arguments to the same effect were delivered,
as they were a people of great learning, with great pathos and
lamentations. |
Qua nova re oblata omnis administratio belli consistit, militesque
aversi a proelio ad studium audiendi et cognoscendi feruntur. Ubi hostes
ad legatos exercitumque pervenerunt, universi se ad pedes proiciunt;
orant, ut adventus Caesaris exspectetur: captam suam urbem videre: opera
perfecta, turrim subrutam; itaque ab defensione desistere. Nullam exoriri
moram posse, quo minus, cum venisset, si imperata non facerent ad nutum,
e vestigio diriperentur. Docent, si omnino turris concidisset, non posse
milites contineri, quin spe praedae in urbem irrumperent urbemque
delerent. Haec atque eiusdem generis complura ut ab hominibus doctis
magna cum misericordia fletuque pronuntiantur. |
§ 2:13. The lieutenants moved with compassion,
draw off the soldiers from the work, desist from the assault, and
leave sentinels on the works. A sort of truce having been made through
compassion for the besieged, the arrival of Caesar is anxiously
awaited; not a dart was thrown from the walls or by our men, but all
remit their care and diligence, as if the business was at an end. For
Caesar had given Trebonius strict charge not to suffer the town to be
taken by storm, lest the soldiers, too much irritated both by
abhorrence of their revolt, by the contempt shown to them, and by
their long labor, should put to the sword all the grown up
inhabitants, as they threatened to do. And it was with difficulty that
they were then restrained from breaking into the town, and they were
much displeased, because they imagined that they were prevented by
Trebonius from taking possession of it. |
Quibus rebus commoti legati milites ex opere deducunt, oppuguatione
desistunt; operibus custodias relinquunt. Indutiarum quodam genere
misericordia facto adventus Caesaris exspectatur. Nullum ex muro, nullum
a nostris mittitur telum; ut re confecta omnes curam et diligentiam
remittunt. Caesar enim per litteras Trebonio magnopere mandaverat, ne per
vim oppidum expugnari pateretur, ne gravius permoti milites et
defectionis odio et contemptione sui et diutino labore omnes puberes
interficerent; quod se facturos minabantur, aegreque tunc sunt retenti,
quin oppidum irrumperent, graviterque cam rem tulerunt, quod stetisse per
Treboninm, quo minus oppido potirentur, videbatur. |
§ 2:14. But the enemy, destitute of all honor,
only waited a time and opportunity for fraud and treachery. And after
an interval of some days, when our men were careless and negligent, on
a sudden, at noon, when some were dispersed, and others indulging
themselves in rest on the very works, after the fatigue of the day,
and their arms were all laid by and covered up, they sallied out from
the gates, and, the wind being high and favorable to them, they set
fire to our works; and the wind spread it in such a manner that, in
the same instant, the agger, plutei, testudo, tower, and engines all
caught the flames and were consumed before we could conceive how it
had occurred. Our men, alarmed at such an unexpected turn of fortune,
lay hold on such arms as they could find. Some rush from the camp; an
attack is made on the enemy: but they were prevented, by arrows and
engines from the walls; from pursuing them when they fled. They
retired to their walls, and there, without fear, set the musculus and
brick tower on fire. Thus, by the perfidy of the enemy and the
violence of the storm, the labor of many months was destroyed in a
moment. The Massilians made the same attempt the next day, having got
such another storm. They sallied out against the other tower and
agger, and fought with more confidence. But as our men had on the
former occasion given up all thoughts of a contest, so, warned by the
event of the preceding day, they had made every preparation for a
defense. Accordingly, they slew several, and forced the rest to
retreat into the town without effecting their design. |
At hostes sine fide tempus atque occasionem fraudis ac doli quaerunt
interiectisque aliquot diebus nostris languentibus atque animo remissis
subito meridiano tempore, cum alius discessisset, alius ex diutino labore
in ipsis operibus quieti se dedisset, arma vero omnia reposita
contectaque essent, portis se foras erumpunt, secundo magnoque vento
ignem operibus inferunt. Hunc sic distulit ventus, uti uno tempore agger,
plueti, testudo, turris, tormenta flammam conciperent et prius haec omnia
consumerentur, quam, quemadmodum accidisset, animadverti posset. Nostri
repentina fortuna permoti arma, quae possunt, arripiunt; alii ex castris
sese incitant. Fit in hostes impetus; sed de muro sagittis tormentisque
fugientes persequi prohibentur. Illi sub murum se recipiunt ibique
musculum turrimque latericiam libere incendunt. Ita multorum mensium
labor hostium perfidia et vi tempestatis puncto temporis interiit.
Temptaverunt hoc idem Massilienses postero die. Eandem nacti tempestatem
maiore cum fiducia ad alteram turrim aggeremque eruptione pugnaverunt
multumque ignem intulerunt. Sed ut superioris temporis contentionem
nostri omnem remiserant, ita proximi diei casu admoniti omnia ad
defensionem paraverant. Itaque multis interfectis reliquos infecta re in
oppidum reppulerunt. |
§ 2:15. Trebonius began to provide and repair
what had been destroyed, with much greater zeal on the part of the
soldiers; for when they saw that their extraordinary pains and
preparations had an unfortunate issue, they were fired with
indignation that, in consequence of the impious violation of the
truce, their valor should be held in derision. There was no place left
them from which the materials for their mound could be fetched, in
consequence of all the timber, far and wide, in the territories of the
Massilians, having been cut down and carried away; they began
therefore to make an agger of a new construction, never heard of
before, of two walls of brick, each six feet thick, and to lay floors
over them of almost the same breadth with the agger, made of timber.
But wherever the space between the walls, or the weakness of the
timber, seemed to require it, pillars were placed underneath and
traversed beams laid on to strengthen the work, and the space which
was floored was covered over with hurdles, and the hurdles plastered
over with mortar. The soldiers, covered over head by the floor, on the
right and left by the wall, and in the front by the mantlets, carried
whatever materials were necessary for the building without danger: the
business was soon finished-the loss of their laborious work was soon
repaired by the dexterity and fortitude of the soldiers. Gates for
making sallies were left in the wall in such places as they thought
proper. |
Trebonius ea, quae sunt amissa, multo majore militum studio
administrare et reficere instituit. Nam ubi tantos suos labores et
apparatus male cecidisse viderunt indutiisque per scelus violatis suam
virtutem irrisui fore perdoluerunt, quod, unde agger omnino comportari
posset, nihil erat reliquum, omnibus arboribus longe lateque in finibus
Massiliensium excisis et convectis, aggerem novi generis atque inauditum
ex latericiis duobus muris senum pedum crassitudine atque eorum murorum
contignatione facere instituerunt aequa fere altitudine, atque ille
congesticius ex materia fuerat agger. Ubi aut spatium inter muros aut
imbecillitas materiae postulare videretur, pilae interponuntur,
traversaria tigna iniciuntur, quae firmamento esse possint, et quicquid
est contignatum cratibus consternitur, crates luto integuntur. Sub tecto
miles dextra ac sinistra muro tectus, adversus plutei obiectu, operi
quaecumque sunt usui sine periculo supportat. Celeriter res
administratur; diuturni laboris detrimentum sollertia et virtute militum
brevi reconciliatur. Portae, quibus locis videtur, eruptionis causa in
muro relinquuntur. |
§ 2:16. But when the enemy perceived that those
works, which they had hoped could not be replaced without a great
length of time, were put into so thorough repair by a few day's labor
and diligence, that there was no room for perfidy or sallies, and that
no means were left them by which they could either hurt the men by
resistance or the works by fire, and when they found by former
examples that their town could be surrounded with a wall and turrets
on every part by which it was accessible by land, in such a manner
that they could not have room to stand on their own fortifications,
because our works were built almost on the top of their walls by our
army, and darts could be thrown from our hands, and when they
perceived that all advantage arising from their engines, on which they
had built great hopes, was totally lost, and that though they had an
opportunity of fighting with us on equal terms from walls and turrets,
they could perceive that they were not equal to our men in bravery,
they had recourse to the same proposals of surrender as before. |
Quod ubi hostes viderunt, ea, quae vix longinquo spatio refici non
posse sperassent, paucorum dierum opera et labore ita refecta, ut nullus
perfidiae neque eruptioni locus esset nec quicquam omnino relinqueretur,
qua aut telis militibus aut igni operibus noceri posset, eodemque exemplo
sentiunt totam urbem, qua sit aditus ab terra, muro turribusque circumiri
posse, sic ut ipsis consistendi in suis munitionibus locus non esset, cum
paene inaedificata muris ab exercitu nostro moenia viderentur ac telum
manu coniceretur, suorumque tormentorum usum, quibus ipsi magna
speravissent, spatio propinquitatis interire parique condicione ex muro
ac turribus bellandi data se virtute nostris adaequare non posse
intellegunt, ad easdem deditionis condiciones recurrunt. |
§ 2:17. In Further Spain, Marcus Varro, in the
beginning of the disturbances, when he heard of the circumstances
which took place in Italy, being diffident of Pompey's success, used
to speak in a very friendly manner of Caesar. That though, being
pre-engaged to Cneius Pompey in quality of lieutenant, he was bound in
honor to him, that, nevertheless, there existed a very intimate tie
between him and Caesar; that he was not ignorant of what was the duty
of a lieutenant, who bore an office of trust; nor of his own strength,
nor of the disposition of the whole province to Caesar. These
sentiments he constantly expressed in his ordinary conversation, and
did not attach himself to either party. But afterward, when he found
that Caesar was detained before Massilia, that the forces of Petreius
had effected a junction with the army of Afranius, that considerable
reinforcements had come to their assistance, that there were great
hopes and expectations, and heard that the whole Hither province had
entered into a confederacy, and of the difficulties to which Caesar
was reduced afterward at Ilerda for want of provisions, and Afranius
wrote to him a fuller and more exaggerated account of these matters,
he began to regulate his movements by those of fortune. |
M. Varro in ulteriore Hispania initio cognitis eis rebus, quae sunt
in Italia gestae, diffidens Pompeianis rebus amicissime de Caesare
loquebatur: pracoccupatum sese legatione ab Cn. Pompeio teneri obstrictum
fide; necessitudinem quidem sibi nihilo minorem cum Caesare intercedere,
neque se ignorare, quod esset officium legati, qui fiduciariam operam
obtineret, quae vires suae, quae voluntas erga Caesarem totius
provinciae. Haec omnibus ferebat sermonibus neque se in ullam partem
movebat. Postea vero, cum Caesarem ad Massiliam detineri cognovit, copias
Petreii cum exercitu Afranii esse coniunctas, magna auxilia convenisse,
magna esse in spe atque exspectari et consentire omnem citeriorem
provinciam, quaeque postea acciderant, de angustiis ad Ilerdam rei
fumentariae, accepit, atque haec ad eum latius atque inflatius Afranius
perscribebat, se quoque ad motus fortunae movere coepit. |
§ 2:18. He made levies throughout the province;
and, having completed his two legions, he added to them about thirty
auxiliary cohorts; he collected a large quantity of corn to send
partly to the Masilians, partly to Afranius and Petreius. He commanded
the inhabitants of Gades to build ten ships of war; besides, he took
care that several others should be built in Spain. He removed all the
money and ornaments from the temple of Hercules to the town of Gades,
and sent six cohorts thither from the province to guard them, and gave
the command of the town of Gades to Caius Gallonius, a Roman knight,
and friend of Domitius, who had come thither sent by Domitius to
recover an estate for him; and he deposited all the arms, both public
and private, in Gallonius's house. He himself [Varro] made severe
harangues against Caesar. He often pronounced from his tribunal that
Caesar had fought several unsuccessful battles, and that a great
number of his men had deserted to Afranius. That he had these accounts
from undoubted messengers, and authority on which he could rely. By
these means he terrified the Roman citizens of that province, and
obliged them to promise him for the service of the state one hundred
and ninety thousand sesterces, twenty thousand pounds weight of
silver, and a hundred and twenty thousand bushels of wheat. He laid
heavier burdens on those states which he thought were friendly
disposed to Caesar, and billeted troops on them; he passed judgment
against some private persons, and condemned to confiscation the
properties of those who had spoken or made orations against the
republic, and forced the whole province to take an oath of allegiance
to him and Pompey. Being informed of all that happened in Hither
Spain, he prepared for war. This was his plan of operations. He was to
retire with his two legions to Gades, and to lay up all the shipping
and provisions there. For he had been informed that the whole province
was inclined to favor Caesar's party. He thought that the war might be
easily protracted in an island, if he was provided with corn and
shipping. Caesar, although called back to Italy by many and important
matters, yet had determined to leave no dregs of war behind him in
Spain, because he knew that Pompey had many dependents and clients in
the hither province. |
Delectum habuit tota provincia, legionibus completis duabus cohortes
circiter XXX alarias addidit. Frumenti magnum numerum coegit, quod
Massiliensibus, item quod Afranio Petreioque mitteret. Naves longas X
Gaditanis ut facerent imperavit, complures praeterea Hispali faciendas
curavit. Pecuniam omnem omniaque ornamenta ex fano Herculis in oppidum
Gades contulit; eo sex cohortes praesidii causa ex provincia misit
Gaiumque Gallonium, equitem Romanum, familiarem Domitii, qui eo
procurandae hereditatis causa venerat missus a Domitio, oppido Gadibus
praefecit; arma omnia privata ac publica in domum Gallonii contulit. Ipse
habuit graves in Caesarem contiones. Saepe ex tribunali praedicavit
adversa Caesarem proelia fecisse, magnum numerum ab eo militum ad
Afranium perfugisse: haec se certis nuntiis, certis auctoribus
comperisse. Quibus rebus perterritos cives Romanos eius provinciae sibi
ad rem publicam administrandam HS|CLXXX| [18,000,000] et argenti pondo XX
milia, tritici modium CXX milia polliceri coegit. Quas Caesari esse
amicas civitates arbitrabatur, his graviora onera iniungebat praesidiaque
eo deducebat et iudicia in privatos reddebat qui verba atque orationem
adversus rem publicam habuissent: eorum bona in publicum addicebat,
Provinciam omnem in sua et Pompei verba iusiurandum adigebat. Cognitis
eis rebus, quae sunt gestae in citeriore Hispania, bellum parabat. Ratio
autem haec erat belli, ut se cum II legionibus Gades conferret, naves
frumentumque omne ibi contineret; provinciam enim omnem Caesaris rebus
favere cognoverat. In insula frumento navibusque comparatis bellum duci
non difficile existimabat. Caesar, etsi multis necessariisque rebus in
Italiam revocabatur, tamen constituerat nullam partem belli in Hispaniis
relinquere, quod magna esse Pompei beneficia et magnas clientelas in
citeriore provincia sciebat. |
§ 2:19. Having therefore sent two legions into
Further Spain under the command of Quintus Cassius, tribune of the
people; he himself advances with six hundred horse by forced marches,
and issues a proclamation, appointing a day on which the magistrates
and nobility of all the states should attend him at Corduba. This
proclamation being published through the whole province, there was not
a state that did not send a part of their senate to Corduba, at the
appointed time; and not a Roman citizen of any note but appeared that
day. At the same time the senate at Corduba shut the gates of their
own accord against Varro, and posted guards and sentinels on the wall
and in the turrets, and detained two cohorts (called Colonicae, which
had come there accidentally), for the defense of the town. About the
same time the people of Carmona, which is by far the strongest state
in the whole province, of themselves drove out of the town the
cohorts, and shut the gates against them, although three cohorts had
been detached by Varro to garrison the citadel. |
Itaque duabus legionibus missis in ulteriorem Hispaniam cum Q.
Cassio, tribuno plebis, ipse DC cum equitibus magnis itineribus
progreditur edictumque praemittit, ad quam diem magistratus principesque
omnium civitatum sibi esse praesto Cordubae vellet. Quo edicto tota
provincia pervulgato nulla fuit civitas, quin ad id tempus partem senatus
Cordubam mitteret, non civis Romanus paulo notior, quin ad diem
conveniret. Simul ipse Cordubae conventus per se portas Varroni clausit,
custodias vigiliasque in turribus muroque disposuit, cohortes duas, quae
colonicae appellabantur, cum eo casu venissent, tuendi oppidi causa apud
se retinuit. Eisdem diebus Carmo nenses, quae est longe firmissima totius
provinciae civitas, deductis tribus in arcem oppidi cobortibus a Varrone
praesidio, per se cohortes eiecit portasque praeclusit. |
§ 2:20. But Varro was in greater haste on this
account to reach Gades with his legion as soon as possible, lest he
should be stopped either on his march or on crossing over to the
island. The affection of the province to Caesar proved so great and so
favorable, that he received a letter from Gades, before he was far
advanced on his march: that as soon as the nobility of Gades heard of
Caesar's proclamation, they had combined with the tribune of the
cohorts, which were in garrison there, to drive Gallonius out of the
town, and to secure the city and island for Caesar. That having agreed
on the design they had sent notice to Gallonius, to quit Gades of his
own accord while he could do it with safety; if he did not, they would
take measures for themselves; that for fear of this Gallonius had been
induced to quit the town. When this was known, one of Varro's two
legions, which was called Vernacula, carried off the colors from
Varro's camp, he himself standing by and looking on, and retired to
Hispalis, and took post in the market and public places without doing
any injury, and the Roman citizens residing there approved so highly
of this act, that every one most earnestly offered to entertain them
in their houses. When Varro, terrified at these things, having altered
his route, proposed going to Italica, he was informed by his friends
that the gates were shut against him. Then indeed, when intercepted
from every road, he sends word to Caesar, that he was ready to deliver
up the legion which he commanded. He sends to him Sextus Caesar, and
orders him to deliver it up to him. Varro, having delivered up the
legion, went to Caesar to Corduba, and having laid before him the
public accounts, handed over to him most faithfully whatever money he
had, and told him what quantity of corn and shipping he had, and
where. |
Hoc vero magis properare Varro, ut cum legionibus quam primum Gades
contenderet, ne itinere aut traiectu intercluderetur: tanta ac tam
secunda in Caesarem voluntas provinciae reperiebatur. Progresso ei paulo
longius litterae Gadibus redduntur: simulatque sit cognitum de edicto
Caesaris, consensisse Gaditanos principes eum tribunis cohortium, quae
essent ibi in praesidio, ut Gallonium ex oppido expellerent, urbem
insulamque Caesari servarent. Hoc inito consilio denuntiavisse Gallonio,
ut sua sponte, dum sine periculo liceret, excederet Gadibus; si id non
fecisset, sibi consilium capturos. Hoc timore adductum Gallonium Gadibus
excessisse. His cognitis rebus altera ex duabus legionibus, quae
vernacula appellabatur, ex castris Varronis adstante et inspectante ipso
signa sustulit seseque Hispalim recepit atque in foro et porticibus sine
maleficio consedit. Quod factum adeo eius conventus cives Romani
comprobaverunt, ut domum ad se quisque hospitio cupidissime reciperet.
Quibus rebus perterritus Varro, cum itinere converso sese Italicam
venturum praemisisset, certior ab suis factus est praeclusas esse portas.
Tum vero omni interclusus itinere ad Caesarem mittit, paratum se esse
legionem, cui iusserit, tradere. Ille ad eum Sextum Caesarem mittit atque
huic tradi iubet. Tradita legione Varro Cordubam ad Caesarem venit;
relatis ad eum publicis cum fide rationibus quod penes eum est pecuniae
tradit et, quid ubique habeat frumenti et navium, ostendit. |
§ 2:21. Caesar made a public oration at Corduba,
in which he returned thanks to all severally: to the Roman citizens,
because they had been zealous to keep the town in their own power; to
the Spaniards, for having driven out the garrison; to the Gaditani,
for having defeated the attempts of his enemies, and asserted their
own liberty; to the Tribunes and Centurions who had gone there as a
guard, for having by their valor confirmed them in their purpose. He
remitted the tax which the Roman citizens had promised to Varro for
the public use: he restored their goods to those who he was informed
had incurred that penalty by speaking too freely, having given public
and private rewards to some he filled the rest with flattering hopes
of his future intentions; and having staid two days at Corduba, he set
out for Gades; he ordered the money and ornaments which had been
carried away from the temple of Hercules, and lodged in the houses of
private persons, to be replaced in the temple. He made Quintus Cassius
governor of the province, and assigned him four legions. He himself,
with those ships which Marcus Varro had built, and others which the
Gaditani had built by Varro's orders, arrived in a few days at
Tarraco, where embassadors from the greatest part of the nearer
province waited his arrival. Having in the same manner conferred marks
of honor both publicly and privately on some states, he left Tarraco,
and went thence by land to Narbo, and thence to Massilia. There he was
informed that a law was passed for creating a dictator, and that he
had been nominated dictator by Marcus Lepidus the praetor. |
Caesar contione habita Cordubae omnibus generatim gratias agit:
civibus Romanis, quod oppidum in sua potestate studuissent habere;
Hispanis, quod praesidia expulissent; Gaditanis, quod conatus
adversariorum infregissent seseque in libertatem vindicassent; tribunis
militum centurionibusque, qui eo praesidii causa venerant, quod eorum
consilia sua virtute confirmassent. Pecunias, quas erant in publicum
Varroni cives Romani polliciti, remittit; bona restituit eis, quos
liberius locutos hanc poenam tulisse cognoverat. Tributis quibusdam
populis publicis privatisque praemiis reliquos in posterum bona spe
complet biduumque Cordubae commoratus Gades proficiscitur; pecunias
monumentaque, quae ex fano Herculis collata erant in privatam domum,
referri in templum iubet. Provinciae Q. Cassium praeficit; huic III
legiones attribuit. Ipse eis navibus, quas M. Varro quasque Gaditani
iussu Varronis fecerant, Tarraconem paucis diebus pervenit. Ibi totius
fere citerioris provinciae legationes Caesaris adventum exspectabant.
Eadem ratione privatim ac publice quibusdam civitatibus habitis honoribus
Tarracone discedit pedibusque Narbonem atque inde Massiliam perverit, Ibi
legem de dictatore latam seseque dictatorem dictum a M. Lepido praetore
cognoscit. |
§ 2:22. The Massilians, wearied out by
misfortunes of every sort, reduced to the lowest ebb for want of corn,
conquered in two engagements at sea, defeated in their frequent
sallies, and struggling moreover with a fatal pestilence, from their
long confinement and change of victuals (for they all subsisted on old
millet and damaged barley, which they had formerly provided and laid
up in the public stores against an emergency of this kind), their
turret being demolished, a great part of their wall having given way,
and despairing of any aid, either from the provinces or their armies,
for these they had heard had fallen into Caesar's power, resolved to
surrender now without dissimulation. But a few days before, Lucius
Domitius, having discovered the intention of the Massilians, and
having procured three ships, two of which he gave up to his friends,
went on board the third himself, having got a brisk wind, put out to
sea. Some ships, which by Brutus's orders were constantly cruising
near the port, having espied him, weighed anchor, and pursued him. But
of these, the ship on board of which he was, persevered itself, and
continuing its flight, and by the aid of the wind got out of sight:
the other two, affrighted by the approach of our galleys put back
again into the harbor. The Massilians conveyed their arms and engines
out of the town, as they were ordered: brought their ships out of the
port and docks, and delivered up the money in their treasury. When
these affairs were dispatched, Caesar, sparing the town more out of
regard to their renown and antiquity than to any claim they could lay
to his favor, left two legions in garrison there, sent the rest to
Italy, and set out himself for Rome. |
Massilienses omnibus defessi malis, rei frumentariae ad summam
inopiam adducti, bis navali proelio superati, crebris eruptionibus fusi,
gravi etiam pestilentia conflictati ex diutina conclusione et mutatione
victus (panico enim vetere atque hordeo corrupto omnes alebantur, quod ad
huiusmodi casus antiquitus paratum in publicum contulerant) deiecta
turri, labefacta magna parte muri, auxiliis provinciarum et exercituum
desperatis, quos in Caesaris potestatem venisse cognoverant, sese dedere
sine fraude constituunt. Sed paucis ante diebus L. Domitius cognita
Massiliensium voluntate navibus III comparatis, ex quibus duas
familiaribus suis attribuerat, unam ipse conscenderat nactus turbidam
tempestatem profectus est. Hunc conspicatae naves, quae iussu Bruti
consuetudine cotidiana ad portum excubabant, sublatis ancoris sequi
coeperunt. Ex his unum ipsius navigium contendit et fugere perseveravit
auxilioque tempestatis ex conspectu abiit, duo perterrita concursu
nostrarum navium sese in portum receperunt. Massilienses arma tormentaque
ex oppido, ut est imperatum, proferunt, naves ex portu navalibusque
educunt, pecuniam ex publico tradunt. Quibus rebus confectis Caesar magis
eos pro nomine et vetustate, quam pro meritis in se civitatis conservans
duas ibi legiones praesidio relinquit, ceteras in Italiam mittit; ipse ad
urbem proficiscitur. |
§ 2:23. About the same time Caius Curio, having
sailed from Sicily to Africa, and from the first despising the forces
of Publius Attius Varus, transported only two of the four legions
which he had received from Caesar, and five hundred horse, and having
spent two days and three nights on the voyage, arrived at a place
called Aquilaria, which is about twenty-two miles distant from Clupea,
and in the summer season has a convenient harbor, and is inclosed by
two projecting promontories. Lucius Caesar the son, who was waiting
his arrival near Clupea with ten ships which had been taken near Utica
in a war with the pirates, and which Publius Attius had had repaired
for this war, frightened at the number of our ships, fled the sea, and
running his three-decked covered galley on the nearest shore, left her
there and made his escape by land to Adrumetum. Caius Considius
Longus, with a garrison of one legion, guarded this town. The rest of
Caesar's fleet, after his flight, retired to Adrumetum. Marcus Rufus,
the quaestor, pursued him with twelve ships, which Curio had brought
from Sicily as convoy to the merchantmen, and seeing a ship left on
the shore, he brought her off by a towing rope, and returned with his
fleet to Curio. |
Eisdem temporibus C. Curio in Africam profectus ex Sicilia et iam ab
initio copias P. Attii Vari despiciens duas legiones ex IIII, quas a
Caesare acceperat, D equites transportabat biduoque et noctibus tribus
navigatione consumptis appellit ad eum locum, qui appellatur Anquillaria.
Hic locus abest a Clupeis passuum XXII milia habetque non incommodam
aestate stationem et duobus eminentibus promuntoriis continetur. Huius
adventum L. Caesar filius cum X longis navibus ad Clupea praestolans,
quas naves Uticae ex praedonum bello subductas P. Attius reficiendas
huius belli causa curaverat, veritus navium multitudinem ex alto
refugerat appulsaque ad proximum litus trireme constrata et in litore
relicta pedibus Adrumetum perfugerat. Id oppidum C. Considius Longus
unius legionis praesidio tuebatur. Reliquae Caesaris naves eius fuga se
Adrumetum receperunt. Hunc secutus Marcius Rufas quaestor navibus XII,
quas praesidio onerariis navibus Curio ex Sicilia eduxerat, postquam in
litore relictam navem conspexit, hanc remulco abstraxit; ipse ad C.
Curionem cum classe redit. |
§ 2:24. Curio detached Marcus before with the
fleet to Utica, and marched thither with his army. Having advanced two
days, he came to the river Bagrada, and there left Caius Caninius
Rebilus, the lieutenant, with the legions; and went forward himself
with the horse to view the Cornelian camp, because that was reckoned a
very eligible position for encamping. It is a straight ridge,
projecting into the sea, steep and rough on both sides, but the ascent
is more gentle on that part which lies opposite Utica. It is not more
than a mile distant from Utica in a direct line. But on this road
there is a spring, to which the sea comes up, and overflows; an
extensive morass is thereby formed; and if a person would avoid it, he
must make a circuit of six miles to reach the town. |
Curio Marcium Uticam navibus praemittit; ipse eodem cum exercitu
proficiscitur biduique iter progressus ad flumen Bagradam pervenit. Ibi
C. Caninium Rebilum legatum cum legionibus reliquit; ipse cum equitatu
antecedit ad castra exploranda Cornelia, quod is locus peridoneus castris
habebatur. Id autem est iugum directum eminens in mare, utraque ex parte
praeruptum atque asperum, sed tamen paulo leniore fastigio ab ea parte,
quae ad Uticam vergit. Abest directo itinere ab Utica paulo amplius
passuum milibus III. Sed hoc itinere est fons, quo mare succedit longius,
lateque is locus restagnat; quem si qui vitare voluerit, sex milium
circuitu in oppidum pervenit. |
§ 2:25. Having examined this place, Curio got a
view of Varus's camp, joining the wall and town, at the gate called
Bellica, well fortified by its natural situation, on one side by the
town itself, on the other by a theater which is before the town, the
approaches to the town being rendered difficult and narrow by the very
extensive out- buildings of that structure. At the same time he
observed the roads very full of carriages and cattle, which they were
conveying from the country into the town on the sudden alarm. He sent
his cavalry after them to plunder them and get the spoil. And at the
same time Varus had detached as a guard for them six hundred Numidian
horse, and four hundred foot, which king Juba had sent to Utica as
auxiliaries a few days before. There was a friendship subsisting
between his [Juba's] father and Pompey, and a feud between him and
Curio, because he, when a tribune of the people, had proposed a law,
in which he endeavored to make public property of the kingdom of Juba.
The horse engaged; but the Numidians were not able to stand our first
charge; but a hundred and twenty being killed, the rest retreated into
their camp near the town. In the mean time, on the arrival of his men
of war, Curio ordered proclamation to be made to the merchant ships,
which lay at anchor before Utica, in number about two hundred, that he
would treat as enemies all that did not set sail immediately for the
Cornelian camp. As soon as the proclamation was made, in an instant
they all weighed anchor and left Utica, and repaired to the place
commanded them. This circumstance furnished the army with plenty of
every thing. |
Hoc explorato loco Curio castra Vari conspicit muro oppidoque
coniuncta ad portam, quae appellatur Belica, admodum munita natura loci,
una ex parte ipso oppido Utica, altero a theatro, quod est ante oppidum,
substructionibus eius operis maximis, aditu ad castra difficili et
angusto. Simul animadvertit multa undique portari atque agi plenissimis
viis, quae repentini tumultus timore ex agris in urbem conferantur. Huc
equitatum mittit, ut diriperet atque haberet loco praedae; eodemque
tempore his rebus subsidio DC Numidae ex oppido peditesque CCCC mittuntur
a Varo, quos auxilii causa rex Iuba paucis diebus ante Uticam miserat.
Huic et paternum hospitium cum Pompeio et simultas cum Curione
intercedebat, quod tribunus plebis legem promulgaverat, qua lege regnum
Iubae publicaverat. Concurrunt equites inter se; neque vero primum
impetum nostrorum Numidae ferre potuerunt, sed interfectis circiter CXX
reliqui se in castra ad oppidum receperunt. Interim adventu longarum
navium Curio pronuntiare onerariis navibus iubet, quae stabant ad Uticam
numero circiter CC, se in hostium habiturum loco, qui non e vestigio ad
castra Cornelia naves traduxisset. Qua pronuntiatione facta temporis
puncto sublatis ancoris omnes Uticam relinquunt et quo imperatum est
transeunt. Quae res omnium rerum copia complevit exercitum. |
§ 2:26. After these transactions, Curio returned
to his camp to Bragada; and by a general shout of the whole army was
saluted imperator. The next day he led his army to Utica, and encamped
near the town. Before the works of the camp were finished, the horse
upon guard brought him word that a large supply of horse and foot sent
by king Juba were on their march to Utica, and at the same time a
cloud of dust was observed, and in a moment the front of the line was
in sight. Curio, surprised at the suddenness of the affair, sent on
the horse to receive their first charge, and detain them. He
immediately called off his legions from the work, and put them in
battle array. The horse began the battle: and before the legions could
be completely marshaled and take their ground, the king's entire
forces being thrown into disorder and confusion, because they had
marched without any order, and were under no apprehensions, betake
themselves to flight: almost all the enemy's horse being safe, because
they made a speedy retreat into the town along the shore, Caesar's
soldiers slay a great number of their infantry. |
His rebus gestis Curio se in castra ad Bagradam recipit atque
universi exercitus conclamatione imperator appellatur posteroque die
exercitum Uticam ducit et prope oppidum castra ponit. Nondum opere
castrorum perfecto equites ex statione nuntiant magna auxilia equitum
peditumque ab rege missa Uticam venire; eodemque tempore vis magna
pulveris cernebatur, et vestigio temporis primum agmen erat in conspectu.
Novitate rei Curio permotus praemittit equites, qui primum impetum
sustineant ac morentur; ipse celeriter ab opere deductis legionibus aciem
instruit. Equitesque committunt proelium et, priusquam plane legiones
explicari et consistere possent, tota auxilia regis impedita ac
perturbata, quod nullo ordine et sine timore iter fecerant, in fugam
coniciunt equitatuque omni fere incolumi, quod se per litora celeriter in
oppidum recepit, magnum peditum numerum interficiunt. |
§ 2:27. The next night two Marsian centurions
with twenty-two men belonging to the companies, deserted from Curio's
camp to Attius Varus. They, whether they uttered the sentiments which
they really entertained, or wished to gratify Varus (for what we wish
we readily give credit to, and what we think ourselves, we hope is the
opinion of other men), assured him, that the minds of the whole army
were disaffected to Curio, that it was very expedient that the armies
should be brought in view of each other, and an opportunity of a
conference be given. Induced by their opinion, Varus the next day led
his troops out of the camp: Curio did so in like manner, and with only
one small valley between them, each drew up his forces. |
Proxima nocte centuriones Marsi duo ex castris Curionis cum
manipularibus suis XXII ad Attium Varum perfugiunt. Hi, sive vere quam
habuerant opinionem ad eum perferunt, sive etiam auribus Vari serviunt
(nam, quae volumus, et credimus libenter et, quae sentimus ipsi, reliquos
sentire speramus), confirmant quidem certe totius exercitus animos
alienos esse a Curione maximeque opus esse in conspectum exercitus venire
et colloquendi dare facultatem. Qua opinione adductus Varus postero die
mane legiones ex castris educit. Facit idem Curio, atque una valle non
magna interiecta suas uterque copias instruit. |
§ 2:28. In Varus's army there was one Sextus
Quintilius Varus who, as we have mentioned before, was at Corfinium.
When Caesar gave him his liberty, he went over to Africa; now, Curio
had transported to Africa those legions which Caesar had received
under his command a short time before at Corfinium; so that the
officers and companies were still the same, excepting the change of a
few centurions. Quintilius, making this a pretext for addressing them,
began to go round Curio's lines, and to entreat the soldiers "not to
lose all recollection of the oath which they took first to Domitius
and to him their quaestor, nor bear arms against those who had shared
the same fortune, and endured the same hardships in a siege, nor fight
for those by whom they had been opprobriously called deserters." To
this he added a few words by way of encouragement, what they might
expect from his own liberality, if they should follow him and Attius.
On the delivery of this speech, no intimation of their future conduct
is given by Curio's army, and thus both generals led back their troops
to their camp. |
Erat in exercitu Vari Sextus Quintilius Varus, quem fuisse Corfinii
supra demonstratum est. Hic dimissus a Caesare in Africam venerat,
legionesque eas traduxerat Curio, quas superioribus temporibus Corfinlo
receperat Caesar, adeo ut paucis mutatis centurionibus eidem ordines
manipulique constarent. Hanc nactus appellationis causam Quintilius
circuire aciem Curionis atque obsecrare milites coepit, ne primam
sacramenti, quod apud Domitium atque apud se quaestorem dixissent,
memoriam deponerent, neu contra eos arma ferrent, qui eadem essent usi
fortuna eademque in obsidione perpessi, neu pro his pugnarent, a quibus
cum contumelia perfugae appellarentur. Huc pauca ad spem largitionis
addidit, quae ab sua liberalitate, si se atque Attium secuti essent,
exspectare deberent. Hac habita oratione nullam in partem ab exercitu
Curionis fit significatio, atque ita suas uterque copias reducit. |
§ 2:29. However, a great and general fear spread
through Curio's camp, for it is soon increased by the various
discourses of men. For every one formed an opinion of his own; and to
what he had heard from others, added his own apprehensions. When this
had spread from a single author to several persons, and was handed
from one another, there appeared to be many authors for such
sentiments as these: "That it was a civil war; that they were men; and
therefore that it was lawful for them to act freely, and follow which
party they pleased." These were the legions which a short time before
had belonged to the enemy; for the custom of offering free towns to
those who joined the opposite party had changed Caesar's kindness. For
the harshest expressions of the soldiers in general did not proceed
from the Marsi and Peligni, as those which passed in the tents the
night before; and some of their fellow soldiers heard them with
displeasure. Some additions were also made to them by those who wished
to be thought more zealous in their duty. |
At in castris Curionis magnus omnium incessit timor animis. Is variis
hominum sermonibus celeriter augetur. Unusquisque enim opiniones fingebat
et ad id, quod ab alio audierat, sui aliquid timoris addebat. Hoc ubi uno
auctore ad plures permanaverat, atque alius alii tradiderat, plures
auctores eius rei videbantur. Civile bellum; genus hominum, cui liceret
libere facere et sequi, quod vellet; legiones eae, quae paulo ante apud
adversarios fuerant, nam etiam Caesaris beneficium mutaverat consuetudo,
qua offerrentur; municipia etiam diversis partibus coniuncta, namque ex
Marsis Pelignisque veniebant ei qui superiore nocte: haec in contuberniis
commilitesque nonnulli graviora; sermones militum dubii durius
accipiebantur, nonnulli etiam ab eis, qui diligentiores videri volebant,
fingebantur. |
§ 2:30. For these reasons, having called a
council, Curio began to deliberate on the general welfare. There were
some opinions, which advised by all means an attempt to be made, and
an attack on Varus's camp; for when such sentiments prevailed among
the soldiers, they thought idleness was improper. In short, they said
"that it was better bravely to try the hazard of war in a battle, than
to be deserted and surrounded by their own troops, and forced to
submit to the greatest cruelties." There were some who gave their
opinion, that they ought to withdraw at the third watch to the
Cornelian camp; that by a longer interval of time the soldiers might
be brought to a proper way of thinking; and also, that if any
misfortune should befall them, they might have a safer and readier
retreat to Sicily, from the great number of their ships. |
Quibus de causis consilio convocato de summa rerum deliberare
incipit. Erant sententiae, quae conandum omnibus modis castraque Vari
oppugnanda censerent, quod in huiusmodi militum consiliis otium maxime
contrarium esse arbitrarentur; postremo praestare dicebant per virtutem
in pugna belli fortunam experiri, quam desertos et circumventos ab suis
gravissimum supplicium perpeti. Erant, qui censerent de tertia vigilia in
castra Cornelia recedendum, ut maiore spatio temporis interiecto militum
mentes sanarentur, simul, si quid gravius accidisset, magna multitudine
navium et tutius et facilius in Siciliam receptus daretur. |
§ 2:31. Curio, censuring both measures, said,
"that the one was as deficient in spirit, as the other exceeded in it:
that the latter advised a shameful flight, and the former recommended
us to engage at a great disadvantage. For on what, says he, can we
rely that we can storm a camp, fortified both by nature and art? Or,
indeed, what advantage do we gain if we give over the assault, after
having suffered considerable loss; as if success did not acquire for a
general the affection of his army, and misfortune their hatred? But
what does a change of camp imply but a shameful flight and universal
despair, and the alienation of the army? For neither ought the
obedient to suspect that they are distrusted, nor the insolent to know
that we fear them; because our fears augment the licentiousness of the
latter, and diminish the zeal of the former. But if, says he, we were
convinced of the truth of the reports of the disaffection of the army
(which I indeed am confident are either altogether groundless, or at
least less than they are supposed to be), how much better to conceal
and hide our suspicions of it, than by our conduct confirm it? Ought
not the defects of an army to be as carefully concealed as the wounds
in our bodies, lest we should increase the enemy's hopes? but they
moreover advise us to set out at midnight, in order, I suppose, that
those who attempt to do wrong may have a fairer opportunity; for
conduct of this kind is restrained either by shame or fear, to the
display of which the night is most averse. Wherefore, I am neither so
rash as to give my opinion that we ought to attack their camp without
hopes of succeeding; nor so influenced by fear as to despond: and I
imagine that every expedient ought first to be tried; and I am in a
great degree confident that I shall form the same opinions as
yourselves on this matter." |
Curio utrumque improbans consilium, quantum alteri sententiae deesset
animi, tantum alteri superesse dicebat: hos turpissimae fugae rationem
habere, illos etiam iniquo loco dimicandum putare. "Qua enim," inquit,
"fiducia et opere et natura loci munitissima castra expugnari posse
confidimus? Aut vero quid proficimus, si accepto magno detrimento ab
oppugnatione castrorum discedimus? Quasi non et felicitas rerum gestarum
exercitus benevolentiam imperatoribus et res adversae odia colligant!
Castrorum autem mutatio quid habet nisi turpem fugam et desperationem
omnium et alienationem exercitus? Nam neque pudentes suspicari oportet
sibi parum credi, neque improbos scire sese timeri, quod his licentiam
timor augeat noster, illis studia deminuat." "Quod si iam," inquit, "haec
explorata habeamus, quae de exercitus alienatione dicuntur, quae quidem
ego aut omnino falsa aut certe minora opinione esse confido, quanto haec
dissimulari et occultari, quam per nos confirmari praestet? An non, uti
corporis vulnera, ita exercitus incommoda sunt tegenda, ne spem
adversariis augeamus? At etiam, ut media nocte proficiscamur, addunt, quo
maiorem, credo, licentiam habeant, qui peccare conentur. Namque huiusmodi
res aut pudore aut metu tenentur; quibus rebus nox maxime adversaria est.
Quare neque tanti sum animi, ut sine spe castra oppugnanda censeam, neque
tanti timoris, uti spe deficiam, atque omnia prius experienda arbitror
magnaque ex parte iam me una vobiscum de re iudicium facturum
confido." |
§ 2:32. Having broken up the council, he called
the soldiers together, and reminded them "what advantage Caesar had
derived from their zeal at Corfinium; how by their good offices and
influence he had brought over a great part of Italy to his interest.
For, says he, all the municipal towns afterward imitated you and your
conduct; nor was it without reason that Caesar judged so favorably,
and the enemy so harshly of you. For Pompey, though beaten in no
engagement, yet was obliged to shift his ground, and leave Italy, from
the precedent established by your conduct. Caesar commited me, whom he
considered his dearest friend, and the provinces of Sicily and Africa,
without which he was not able to protect Rome or Italy, to your
protection. There are some here present who encourage you to revolt
from us; for what can they wish for more, than at once to ruin us, and
to involve you in a heinous crime? or what baser opinions could they
in their resentment entertain of you, than that you would betray those
who acknowledged themselves indebted to you for every thing, and put
yourselves in the power of those who think they have been ruined by
you? Have you not heard of Caesar's exploits in Spain? that he routed
two armies, conquered two generals, recovered two provinces, and
effected all this within forty days after he came in sight of the
enemy? Can those who were not able to stand against him while they
were uninjured, resist him when they are ruined? Will you, who took
part with Caesar while victory was uncertain, take part with the
conquered enemy when the fortune of the war is decided, and when you
ought to reap the reward of your services? For they say that they have
been deserted and betrayed by you, and remind you of a former oath.
But did you desert Lucius Domitius, or did Lucius Domitius desert you?
Did he not, when you were ready to submit to the greatest
difficulties, cast you off? Did he not, without your privacy, endeavor
to effect his own escape? When you were betrayed by him, were you not
preserved by Caesar's generosity? And how could he think you bound by
your oath to him, when, after having thrown up the ensigns of power,
and abdicated his government, he became a private person, and a
captive in another's power? A new obligation is left upon you, that
you should disregard the oath, by which you are at present bound; and
have respect only to that which was invalidated by the surrender of
your general, and his diminution of rank. But I suppose, although you
are pleased with Caesar, you are offended with me; however, I shall
not boast of my services to you, which still are inferior to my own
wishes or your expectations. But, however, soldiers have ever looked
for the rewards of labor at the conclusion of a war; and what the
issue of it is likely to be, not even you can doubt. But why should I
omit to mention my own diligence and good fortune, and to what a happy
crisis affairs are now arrived? Are you sorry that I transported the
army safe and entire, without the loss of a single ship? That on my
arrival, in the very first attack, I routed the enemy's fleet? That
twice in two days I defeated the enemy's horse? That I carried out of
the very harbor and bay two hundred of the enemy's victualers, and
reduced them to that situation that they can receive no supplies
either by land or sea? Will you divorce yourselves from this fortune
and these generals; and prefer the disgrace of Corfinium, the defeat
of Italy, the surrender of both Spains, and the prestige of the
African war? I, for my part, wished to be called a soldier of
Caesar's; you honored me with the title of Imperator. If you repent
your bounty, I give it back to you; restore to me my former name that
you may not appear to have conferred the honor on me as a
reproach." |
Dimisso consilio contionem advocat militum. Commemorat, quo sit eorum
usus studio ad Corfinium Caesar, ut magnam partem Italiae beneficio atque
auctoritate eorum suam fecerit. "Vos enim vestrumque factum omnia,"
inquit, "deinceps municipia sunt secuta, neque sine causa et Caesar
amicissime de vobis et illi gravissime iudicaverunt. Pompeius enim nullo
proelio pulsus vestri facti praeiudicio demotus Italia excessit; Caesar
me, quem sibi carissimum habuit, provinciam Siciliam atque Africam, sine
quibus urbem atque Italiam tueri non potest, vestrae fidei commisit. At
sunt, qui vos hortentur, ut a nobis desciscatis. Quid enim est illis
optatius, quam uno tempore et nos circumvenire et vos nefario scelere
obstringere? aut quid irati gravius de vobis sentire possunt, quam ut eos
prodatis, qui se vobis omnia debere iudicant, in eorum potestatem
veniatis, qui se per vos perisse existimant? An vero in Hispania res
gestas Caesaris non audistis? duos pulsos exercitus, duos superatos
duces, duas receptas provincias? haec acta diebus XL, quibus in
conspectum adversariorum venerit Caesar? An, qui incolumes resistere non
potuerunt, perditi resistant? vos autem incerta victoria Caesarem secuti
diiudicata iam belli fortuna victum sequamini, cum vestri officii praemia
percipere debeatis? Desertos enim se ac proditos a vobis dicunt et
prioris sacramenti mentionem faciunt. Vosne vero L. Domitium, an vos
Domitius deseruit? Nonne extremam pati fortunam paratos proiecit ille?
nonne sibi clam salutem fuga petivit? nonne proditi per illum Caesaris
beneficio estis conservati? Sacramento quidem vos tenere qui potuit, cum
proiectis fascibus et deposito imperio privatus et captus ipse in alienam
venisset potestatem? Relinquitur nova religio, ut eo neglecto sacramento,
quo tenemini, respiciatis illud, quod deditione ducis et capitis
deminutione sublatum est. At, credo, si Caesarem probatis, in me
offenditis. Qui de meis in vos meritis praedicaturus non sum, quae sunt
adhuc et mea voluntate et vestra exspectatione leviora; sed tamen sui
laboris milites semper eventu belli praemia petiverunt, qui qualis sit
futurus, ne vos quidem dubitatis: diligentiam quidem nostram aut, quem ad
finem adhuc res processit, fortunam cur praeteream? An poenitet vos, quod
salvum atque incolumem exercitum nulla omnino nave desiderata traduxerim?
quod classem hostium primo impetu adveniens profligaverim? quod his per
biduum equestri proelio superaverim? quod ex portu sinuque adversariorum
CC naves oneratas abduxerim eoque illos compulerim, ut neque pedestri
itinere neque navibus commeatu iuvari possint? Hac vos fortuna atque his
ducibus repudiatis Corfiniensem ignominiam, Italiae fugam, Hispaniarum
deditionem, Africi belli praeiudicia, sequimini! Equidem me Caesaris
militem dici volui, vos me imperatoris nomine appellavistis. Cuius si vos
poenitet, vestrum vobis beneficium remitto, mihi meum nomen restituite,
ne ad contumeliam honorem dedisse videamini." |
§ 2:33. The soldiers, being affected by this
oration, frequently attempted to interrupt him while he was speaking,
so that they appeared to bear with excessive anguish the suspicion of
treachery, and when he was leaving the assembly they unanimously
besought him to be of good spirits, and not hesitate to engage the
enemy and put their fidelity and courage to a trial. As the wishes and
opinions of all were changed by this act, Curio, with the general
consent, determined, whenever opportunity offered, to hazard a battle.
The next day he led out his forces and ranged them in order of battle
on the same ground where they had been posted the preceding day; nor
did Attius Varus hesitate to draw out his men, that, if any occasion
should offer, either to tamper with our men or to engage on equal
terms he might not miss the opportunity. |
Qua oratione permoti milites crebro etiam dicentern interpellabant,
ut magno cum dolore infidelitatis suspicionem sustinere viderentur,
discedentem vero ex contione universi cohortantur, magno sit animo,
necubi dubitet proelium committere et suam fidem virtutemque experiri.
Quo facto commutata omnium et voluntate et opinione consensu summo
constituit Curio, cum primum sit data potestas, proelio rem committere
posteroque die productos eodem loco, quo superioribus diebus constiterat,
in acie collocat. Ne Varus quidem dubitat copias producere, sive
sollicitandi milites sive aequo loco dimicandi detur occasio, ne
facultatem praetermittat. |
§ 2:34. There lay between the two armies a
valley, as already mentioned, not very deep, but of a difficult and
steep ascent. Each was waiting till the enemy's forces should attempt
to pass it, that they might engage with the advantage of the ground.
At the same time on the left wing, the entire cavalry of Publius
Attius, and several light- armed infantry intermixed with them, were
perceived descending into the valley. Against them Curio detached his
cavalry and two cohorts of the Marrucini, whose first charge the
enemy's horse were unable to stand, but, setting spurs to their
horses, fled back to their friends: the light-infantry being deserted
by those who had come out along with them, were surrounded and cut to
pieces by our men. Varus's whole army, facing that way, saw their men
flee and cut down. Upon which Rebilus, one of Caesar's lieutenants,
whom Curio had brought with him from Sicily knowing that he had great
experience in military matters, cried out, "You see the enemy are
daunted, Curio! why do you hesitate to take advantage of the
opportunity?" Curio, having merely "expressed this, that the soldiers
should keep in mind the professions which they had made to him the day
before," then ordered them to follow him, and ran far before them all.
The valley was so difficult of assent that the foremost men could not
struggle up it unless assisted by those behind. But the minds of
Attius's soldiers being prepossessed with fear and the flight and
slaughter of their men, never thought of opposing us; and they all
imagined that they were already surrounded by our horse, and,
therefore, before a dart could be thrown, or our men come near them,
Varus's whole army turned their backs and retreated to their
camp. |
Erat vallis inter duas acies, ut supra demonstratum est, non ita
magna, at difficili et arduo ascensu. Hanc uterque, si adversariorum
copiae transire conarentur, exspectabat, quo aequiore loco proelium
committeret. Simul ab sinistro cornu P. Attii equitatus omnis et una
levis armaturae interiecti complures, cum se in vallem demitterent,
cernebantur. Ad eos Curio equitatum et duas Marrucinorum cohortes mittit;
quorum primum impetum equites hostium non tulerunt, sed admissis equis ad
suos refugerunt; relicti ab his, qui una procurrerant levis armaturae,
circumveniebantur atque interficiebantur ab nostris. Huc tota Vari
conversa acies suos fugere et concidi videbat. Tunc Rebilus, legatus
Caesaris, quem Curio secum ex Sicilia duxerat, quod magnum habere usum in
re militari sciebat, "perterritum," inquit, "hostem vides, Curio: quid
dubitas uti temporis opportunitate?" Ille unum elocutus, ut memoria
tenerent milites ea, quae pridie sibi confirmassent, sequi sese iubet et
praecurrit ante omnes. Adeo erat impedita vallis, ut in ascensu nisi
sublevati a suis primi non facile eniterentur. Sed praeoccupatus animus
Attianorum militum timore et fuga et caede suorum nihil de resistendo
cogitabat, omnesque se iam ab equitatu circumveniri arbitrabantur. Itaque
priusquam telum abici posset, aut nostri propius accederent, omnis Vari
acies terga vertit seque in castra recepit. |
§ 2:35. In this flight one Fabius, a Pelignian
common soldier in Curio's army, pursuing the enemy's rear, with a loud
voice shouted to Varus by his name, and often called him, so that he
seemed to be one of his soldiers, who wished to speak to him and give
him advice. When Varus, after been repeatedly called, stopped and
looked at him, and inquired who he was and what he wanted, he made a
blow with his sword at his naked shoulder and was very near killing
Varus, but he escaped the danger by raising his shield to ward off the
blow. Fabius was surrounded by the soldiers near him and cut to
pieces; and by the multitude and crowds of those that fled, the gates
of the camps were thronged and the passage stopped, and a greater
number perished in that place without a stroke than in the battle and
flight. Nor were we far from driving them from this camp; and some of
them ran straightway to the town without halting. But both the nature
of the ground and the strength of the fortifications prevented our
access to the camp; for Curio's soldiers, marching out to battle, were
without those things which were requisite for storming a camp. Curio,
therefore, led his army back to the camp, with all his troops safe
except Fabius. Of the enemy about six hundred were killed and a
thousand wounded, all of whom, after Curio's return, and several more,
under pretext of their wounds, but in fact through fear, withdrew from
the camp into the town, which Varus perceiving and knowing the terror
of his army, leaving a trumpeter in his camp and a few tents for show,
at the third watch led back his army quietly into the town. |
Qua in fuga Fabius Pelignus quidam ex infimis ordinibus de exercitu
Curionis primus agmen fugientium consecutus magna voce Varum nomine
appellans requirebat, uti unus esse ex eius militibus et monere aliquid
velle ac dicere videretur. Ubi ille saepius appellatus aspexit ac
restitit et, quis esset aut quid vellet, quaesivit, umerum apertum gladio
appetit paulumque afuit, quin Varum interficeret; quod ille periculum
sublato ad eius conatum scuto vitavit. Fabius a proximis militibus
circumventus interficitur. Hac fugientium multitudine ac turba portae
castrorum occupantur atque iter impeditur, pluresque in eo loco sine
vulnere quam in proelio aut fuga intereunt, neque multum afuit, quin
etiam castris expellerentur, ac nonnulli protinus eodem cursu in oppidum
contenderunt. Sed cum loci natura et munitio castrorum aditum
prohibebant, tum quod ad proelium egressi Curionis milites eis rebus
indigebant, quae ad oppugnationem castrorum erant usui. Itaque Curio
exercitum in castra reducit suis omnibus praeter Fabium incolumibus, ex
numero adversariorum circiter DC interfectis ac mille vulneratis; qui
omnes discessu Curionis multique praeterea per simulationem vulnerum ex
castris in oppidum propter timorem sese recipiunt. Qua re animadversa
Varus et terrore exercitus cognito bucinatore in castris et paucis ad
speciem tabernaculis relictis de tertia vigilia silentio exercitum in
oppidum reducit. |
§ 2:36. The next day Curio resolved to besiege
Utica, and to draw lines about it. In the town there was a multitude
of people, ignorant of war, owing to the length of the peace; some of
them Uticans, very well inclined to Caesar, for his favors to them;
the Roman population was composed of persons differing widely in their
sentiments. The terror occasioned by former battles was very great;
and therefore, they openly talked of surrendering, and argued with
Attius that he should not suffer the fortune of them all to be ruined
by his obstinacy. While these things were in agitation, couriers, who
had been sent forward, arrived from king Juba, with the intelligence
that he was on his march, with considerable forces, and encouraged
them to protect and defend their city, a circumstance which greatly
comforted their desponding hearts. |
Postero die Curio obsidere Uticam et vallo circummunire instituit.
Erat in oppido multitudo insolens belli diuturnitate otii, Uticenses pro
quibusdam Caesaris in se beneficiis illi amicissimi, conventus is, qui ex
variis generibus constaret, terror ex superioribus proeliis magnus.
Itaque de deditione omnes palam loquebantur et cum P. Attio agebant, ne
sua pertinacia omnium fortunas perturbari vellet. Haec cum agerentur,
nuntii praemissi ab rege Iuba venerunt, qui ilium adesse cum magnis
copiis dicerent et de custodia ac defensione urbis hortarentur. Quac res
eorum perterritos animos confirmavit. |
§ 2:37. The same intelligence was brought to
Curio; but for some time he could not give credit to it, because he
had so great confidence in his own good fortune. And at this time
Caesar's success in Spain was announced in Africa by messages and
letters. Being elated by all these things, he imagined that the king
would not dare to attempt any thing against him. But when he found
out, from undoubted authority, that his forces were less than twenty
miles distant from Utica, abandoning his works, he retired to the
Cornelian camp. Here he began to lay in corn and wood, and to fortify
his camp, and immediately dispatched orders to Sicily, that his two
legions and the remainder of his cavalry should be sent to him. His
camp was well adapted for protracting a war, from the nature and
strength of the situation, from its proximity to the sea, and the
abundance of water and salt, of which a great quantity had been stored
up from the neighboring salt-pits. Timber could not fail him from the
number of trees, nor corn, with which the lands abounded. Wherefore,
with the general consent, Curio determined to wait for the rest of his
forces, and protract the war. |
Nuntiabantur haec eadem Curioni, sed aliquamdiu fides fieri non
poterat: tantam habebat suarum rerum fiduciam. Iamque Caesaris in
Hispania res secundae in Africam nuntiis ac litteris perferebantur.
Quibus omnibus rebus sublatus nihil contra se regem nisurum existimabat.
Sed ubi certis auctoribus comperit minus V et XX milibus longe ab Utica
eius copias abesse, relictis munitionibus sese in castra Cornelia
recepit. Huc frumentum comportare, castra munire, materiam conferre
coepit statimque in Siciliam misit, uti duae legiones reliquusque
equitatus ad se mitteretur. Castra erant ad bellum ducendum aptissima
natura loci et munitione et maris propinquitate et aquae et salis copia,
cuius magna vis iam ex proximis erat salinis eo congesta. Non materia
multitudine arborum, non frumentum, euius erant plenissimi agri, deficere
poterat. Itaque omnium suorum consensu Curio reliquas copias exspectare
et bellum ducere parabat. |
§ 2:38. This plan being settled, and his conduct
approved of, he is informed by some deserters from the town that Juba
had staid behind in his own kingdom, being called home by a
neighboring war, and a dispute with the people of Leptis; and that
Sabura, his commander-in-chief, who had been sent with a small force,
was drawing near to Utica. Curio rashly believing this information,
altered his design, and resolved to hazard a battle. His youth, his
spirits, his former good fortune and confidence of success,
contributed much to confirm this resolution. Induced by these motives,
early in the night he sent all his cavalry to the enemy's camp near
the river Bagrada, of which Sabura, of whom we have already spoken,
was the commander. But the king was coming after them with all his
forces, and was posted at a distance of six miles behind Sabura. The
horse that were sent perform their march that night, and attack the
enemy unawares and unexpectedly; for the Numidians, after the usual
barbarous custom, encamped here and there without any regularity. The
cavalry having attacked them, when sunk in sleep and dispersed, killed
a great number of them; many were frightened and ran away. After which
the horse returned to Curio, and brought some, prisoners with
them. |
His constitutis rebus probatisque consiliis ex perfugis quibusdam
oppidanis audit Iubam revocatum finitimo bello et controversiis
Leptitanorum restitisse in regno, Saburram, eius praefectum, cum
mediocribus copiis missum Uticae appropinquare. His auctoribus temere
credens consilium commutat et proelio rem committere constituit. Multum
ad hanc rem probandam adiuvat adulescentia, magnitudo animi, superioris
temporis proventus, fiducia rei bene gerendae. His rebus impulsus
equitatum omnem prima nocte ad castra hostium mittit ad flumen Bagradam,
quibus praeerat Saburra, de quo ante erat auditum; sed rex omnibus copiis
insequebatur et sex milium passuum intervallo a Saburra consederat.
Equites missi nocte iter conficiunt, imprudentes atque inopinantes hostes
aggrediuntur. Numidae enim quadam barbara consuetudine nullis ordinibus
passim consederant. Hos oppressos somno et dispersos adorti magnum eorum
numerum interficiunt; multi perterriti profugiunt. Quo facto ad Curionem
equites revertuntur captivosque ad eum reducunt. |
§ 2:39. Curio had set out at the fourth watch
with all his forces, except five cohorts which he left to guard the
camp. Having advanced six miles, he met the horse, heard what had
happened and inquired from the captives who commanded the camp at
Bagrada. They replied Sabura. Through eagerness to perform his
journey, he neglected to make further inquiries, but looking back to
the company next him, "Don't you see, soldiers," says he, "that the
answer of the prisoners corresponds with the account of the deserters,
that the king is not with him, and that he sent only a small force
which was not able to withstand a few horse? Hasten then to spoil, to
glory; that we may now begin to think of rewarding you, and returning
you thanks." The achievements of the horse were great in themselves,
especially if their small number be compared with the vast host of
Numidians. However, the account was enlarged by themselves, as men are
naturally inclined to boast of their own merit. Besides, many spoils
were produced; the men and horses that were taken were brought into
their sight, that they might imagine that every moment of time which
intervened was a delay to their conquest. By this means the hope of
Curio were seconded by the ardor of the soldiers. He ordered the horse
to follow him, and hastened his march, that he might attack them as
soon as possible, while in consternation after their flight. But the
horse, fatigued by the expedition of the preceding night, were not
able to keep up with him, but fell behind in different places. Even
this did not abate Curio's hopes. |
Curio cum omnibus copiis quarta vigilia exierat cohortibus V castris
praesidio relictis. Progressus milia passuum VI equites convenit, rem
gestam cognovit; e captivis quaerit, quis castris ad Bagradam praesit:
respondent Saburram. Reliqua studio itineris conficiendi quaerere
praetermittit proximaque respiciens signa, "videtisne," inquit, "milites,
captivorum orationem cum perfugis convenire? abesse regem, exiguas esse
copias missas, quae paucis equitibus pares esse non potuerint? Proinde ad
praedam, ad gloriam properate, ut iam de praemiis vestris et de referenda
gratia cogitare incipiamus." Erant per se magna, quae gesserant equites,
praesertim cum eorum exiguus numerus cum tanta multitudine Numidarum
confertur. Haec tamen ab ipsis inflatius commemorabantur, ut de suis
homines laudibus libenter praedicant. Multa praeterea spolia
praeferebantur, capti homines equique producebantur, ut, quicquid
intercederet temporis, hoc omne victoriam morari videretur. Ita spei
Curionis militum studia non deerant. Equites sequi iubet sese iterque
accelerat, ut quam maxime ex fuga perterritos adoriri posset. At illi
itinere totius noctis confecti subsequi non poterant, atque alii alio
loco resistebant. Ne haec quidem Curionem ad spem morabantur. |
§ 2:40. Juba, being informed by Sabura of the
battle in the night, sent to his relief two thousand Spanish and
Gallic horse, which he was accustomed to keep near him to guard his
person, and that part of his infantry on which he had the greatest
dependence, and he himself followed slowly after with the rest of his
forces and forty elephants, suspecting that as Curio had sent his
horse before, he himself would follow them. Sabura drew up his army,
both horse and foot, and commanded them to give way gradually and
retreat through the pretense of fear; that when it was necessary he
would give them the signal for battle, and such orders as he found
circumstances required. Curio, as his idea of their present behavior
was calculated to confirm his former hopes, imagined that the enemy
were running away, and led his army from the rising grounds down to
the plain. |
Iuba certior factus a Saburra de nocturno proelio II milia Hispanorum
et Gallorum equitum, quos suae custodiae causa circum se habere
consuerat, et peditum eam partem, cui maxime confidebat, Saburrae
submisit; ipse cum reliquis copiis elephantisque LX lentius subsequitur.
Suspicatus praemissis equitibus ipsum affore Curionem Saburra copias
equitum peditumque instruit atque his imperat, ut simulatione timoris
paulatim cedant ac pedem referant: sese, cum opus esset, signum proelii
daturum et, quod rem postulare cognovisset, imperaturum. Curio ad
superiorem spem addita praesentis temporis olninione, hostes fugere
arbitratus copias ex locis superioribus in campum deducit. |
§ 2:41. And when he had advanced from this place
about sixteen miles, his army being exhausted with the fatigue, he
halted. Sabura gave his men the signal, marshaled his army, and began
to go around his ranks and encourage them. But he made use of the foot
only for show; and sent the horse to the charge: Curio was not
deficient in skill, and encouraged his men to rest all their hopes in
their valor. Neither were the soldiers, though wearied, nor the horse,
though few and exhausted with fatigue, deficient in ardor to engage,
and courage: but the latter were in number but two hundred: the rest
had dropped behind on the march. Wherever they charged they forced the
enemy to give ground, but they were not able to pursue them far when
they fled, or to press their horses too severely. Besides, the enemy's
cavalry began to surround us on both wings and to trample down our
rear. When any cohorts ran forward out of the line, the Numidians,
being fresh, by their speed avoided our charge, and surrounded ours
when they attempted to return to their post, and cut them off from the
main body. So that it did not appear safe either to keep their ground
and maintain their ranks, or to issue from the line, and run the risk.
The enemy's troops were frequently reinforced by assistance sent from
Juba; strength began to fail our men through fatigue; and those who
had been wounded could neither quit the field nor retire to a place of
safety, because the whole field was surrounded by the enemy's cavalry.
Therefore, despairing of their own safety, as men usually do in the
last moment of their lives, they either lamented their unhappy deaths,
or recommended their parents to the survivors, if fortune should save
any from the impending danger. All were full of fear and grief. |
Quibus ex locis cum longius esset progressus, confecto iam labore
exercitu XII milium spatio constitit. Dat suis signum Saburra, aciem
constituit et circumire ordines atque hortari incipit; sed peditatu
dumtaxat procul ad speciem utitur, equites in aciem immittit. Non deest
negotio Curio suosque hortatur, ut spem omnem in virtute reponant. Ne
militibus quidem ut defessis neque equitibus ut paucis et labore
confectis studium ad pugnandum virtusque deerat; sed hi erant numero CC,
reliqui in itinere substiterant. Hi, quamcumque in partem impetum
fecerant, hostes loco cedere cogebant, sed neque longius fugientes
prosequi neque vehementius equos incitare poterant. At equitatus hostium
ab utroque cornu circuire aciem nostram et aversos proterere incipit. Cum
cohortes ex acie procucurrissent, Numidae integri celeritate impetum
nostrorum effugiebant rurusque ad ordines suos se recipientes circuibant
et ab acie excludebant. Sic neque in loco manere ordinesque servare neque
procurrere et casum subire tutum videbatur. Hostium copiae submissis ab
rege auxiliis crebro augebantur; nostros vires lassitudine deficiebant,
simul ei, qui vulnera acceperant, neque acie excedere neque in locum
tutum referri poterant, quod tota acies equitatu hostium circumdata
tenebatur. Hi de sua salute desperantes, ut extremo vitae tempore homines
facere consuerunt, aut suam mortem miserabantur aut parentes suos
commendabant, si quos ex eo periculo fortuna servare potuisset. Plena
erant omnia timoris et luctus. |
§ 2:42. When Curio perceived that in the general
consternation neither his exhortations nor entreaties were attended
to, imagining that the only hope of escaping in their deplorable
situation was to gain the nearest hills, he ordered the colors to be
borne that way. But a party of horse, that had been sent by Sabura,
had already got possession of them. Now indeed our men were reduced to
extreme despair: and some of them were killed by the cavalry in
attempting to escape: some fell to the ground unhurt. Cneius Domitius,
commander of the cavalry, standing round Curio with a small party of
horse, urged Curio to endeavor to escape by flight, and to hasten to
his camp; and assured him that he would not forsake him. But Curio
declared that he would never more appear in Caesar's sight, after
losing the army which had been committed by Caesar, to his charge, and
accordingly fought till he was killed. Very few of the horse escaped
from that battle, but those who had staid behind to refresh their
horses having perceived at a distance the defeat of the whole army,
retired in safety to their camp. |
Curio, ubi perterritis omnibus neque cohortationes suas neque preces
audiri intellegit, unam ut in miseris rebus spem reliquam salutis esse
arbitratus, proximos colles capere universos atque eo signa inferri
iubet. Hos quoque praeoccupat missus a Saburra equitatus. Tum vero ad
summam desperationem nostri perveniunt et partim fugientes ab equitatu
interficiuntur, partim integri procumbunt. Hortatur Curionem Cn.
Domitius, praefectus equitum, cum paucis equitibus circumsistens, ut fuga
salutem petat atque in castra contendat, et se ab eo non discessurum
pollicetur. At Curio numquam se amisso exercitu, quem a Caesare fidei
commissum acceperit, in eius conspectum reversurum confirmat atqne ita
proelians interficitur. Equites ex proelio perpauci se recipiunt; sed ei,
quos ad novissimum agmen equorum reficiendorum causa substitisse
demonstratum est, fuga totius exercitus procul animadversa sese incolumes
in castra conferunt. Milites ad unum omnes interficiuntur. |
§ 2:43. The soldiers were all killed to a man.
Marcus Rufus, the quaestor, who was left behind in the camp by Curio,
having got intelligence of these things, encouraged his men not to be
disheartened. They beg and entreat to be transported to Sicily. He
consented, and ordered the masters of the ships to have all the boats
brought close to the shore early in the evening. But so great was the
terror in general, that some said that Juba's forces were marching up,
others that Varus was hastening with his legions, and that they
already saw the dust raised by their coming; of which not one
circumstance had happened: others suspected that the enemy's fleet
would immediately be upon them. Therefore in the general
consternation, every man consulted his own safety. Those who were on
board of the fleet, were in a hurry to set sail, and their flight
hastened the masters of the ships of burden. A few small fishing boats
attended their duty and his orders. But as the shores were crowded, so
great was the struggle to determine who of such a vast number should
first get on board, that some of the vessels sank with the weight of
the multitude, and the fears of the rest delayed them from coming to
the shore. |
His rebus cognitis Marcius Rufus quaestor in castris relictus a
Curione cohortatur suos, ne animo deficiant. Illi orant atque obsecrant,
ut in Siciliam navibus reportentur. Pollicetur magistrisque imperat
navium, ut primo vespere omnes scaphas ad litus appulsas habeant. Sed
tantus fuit omnium terror, ut alii adesse copias Iubae dicerent, alii cum
legionibus instare Varum iamque se pulverem venientium cernere, quarum
rerum nihil omnino acciderat, alii classem hostium celeriter advolaturam
suspicarentur. Itaque perterritis omnibus sibi quisque consulebat. Qui in
classe erant, proficisci properabant. Horum fuga navium onerariarum
magistros incitabat; pauci lenunculi ad officium imperiumque
conveniebant. Sed tanta erat completis litoribus contentio, qui
potissimum ex magno numero conscenderent, ut multitudine atque onere
nonnulli deprimerentur, reliqui hoc timore propius adire
tardarentur. |
§ 2:44. From which circumstances it happened
that a few foot and aged men, that could prevail either through
interest or pity, or who were able to swim to the ships, were taken on
board, and landed safe in Sicily. The rest of the troops sent their
centurions as deputies to Varus at night, and surrendered themselves
to him. But Juba the next day having spied their cohorts before the
town, claimed them as his booty, and ordered great part of them to be
put to the sword; a few he selected and sent home to his own realm.
Although Varus complained that his honor was insulted by Juba, yet he
dare not oppose him: Juba rode on horseback into the town, attended by
several senators, among whom were Servius Sulpicius and Licinius
Damasippus, and in a few days arranged and ordered what he would have
done in Utica, and in a few days more returned to his own kingdom,
with all his forces. |
Quibus rebus accidit, ut pauci milites patresque familiae, qui aut
gratia aut misericordia valerent aut naves adnare possent, recepti in
Siciliam incolumes pervenirent. Reliquae copiae missis ad Varum noctu
legatorum numero centurionibus sese ei dediderunt. Quarum cohortium
milites postero die ante oppidum Iuba conspicatus suam esse praedicans
praedam magnam partem eorum interfici iussit, paucos electos in regnum
remisit, cum Varus suam fidem ab eo laedi quereretur neque resistere
auderet. Ipse equo in oppidum vectus prosequentibus compluribus
senatoribus, quo in numero erat Ser. Sulpicius et Licinius Damasippus
paucis, quae fieri vellet, Uticae constituit atque imperavit diebusque
post paucis se in regnum cum omnibus copiis recepit. |